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John Lockes Social Contract Theory
In moral and political philosophy , the social contract is a theory or model that originated during the Age of Enlightenment and usually concerns the legitimacy of the authority of the state over the individual.
The term takes its name from The Social Contract French: Du contrat social ou Principes du droit politique , a book by Jean-Jacques Rousseau that discussed this concept.
Although the antecedents of social contract theory are found in antiquity, in Greek and Stoic philosophy and Roman and Canon Law , the heyday of the social contract was the midth to early 19th centuries, when it emerged as the leading doctrine of political legitimacy. The starting point for most social contract theories is an examination of the human condition absent of any political order termed the " state of nature " by Thomas Hobbes.
From this shared starting point, social contract theorists seek to demonstrate why rational individuals would voluntarily consent to give up their natural freedom to obtain the benefits of political order. Prominent 17th- and 18th-century theorists of social contract and natural rights include Hugo Grotius , Thomas Hobbes , Samuel von Pufendorf , John Locke , Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Immanuel Kant , each approaching the concept of political authority differently.
Grotius posited that individual humans had natural rights. Thomas Hobbes famously said that in a "state of nature", human life would be "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short". In the absence of political order and law, everyone would have unlimited natural freedoms, including the "right to all things" and thus the freedom to plunder, rape and murder; there would be an endless "war of all against all" bellum omnium contra omnes.
To avoid this, free men contract with each other to establish political community civil society through a social contract in which they all gain security in return for subjecting themselves to an absolute sovereign, one man or an assembly of men. Though the sovereign's edicts may well be arbitrary and tyrannical, Hobbes saw absolute government as the only alternative to the terrifying anarchy of a state of nature.
Hobbes asserted that humans consent to abdicate their rights in favor of the absolute authority of government whether monarchical or parliamentary. Alternatively, Locke and Rousseau argued that we gain civil rights in return for accepting the obligation to respect and defend the rights of others, giving up some freedoms to do so.
The central assertion that social contract theory approaches is that law and political order are not natural, but human creations. The social contract and the political order it creates are simply the means towards an end—the benefit of the individuals involved—and legitimate only to the extent that they fulfill their part of the agreement. Hobbes argued that government is not a party to the original contract and citizens are not obligated to submit to the government when it is too weak to act effectively to suppress factionalism and civil unrest.
According to other social contract theorists, when the government fails to secure their natural rights Locke or satisfy the best interests of society called the " general will " by Rousseau , citizens can withdraw their obligation to obey, or change the leadership through elections or other means including, when necessary, violence.
Locke believed that natural rights were inalienable, and therefore the rule of God superseded government authority, while Rousseau believed that democracy self-rule was the best way to ensure welfare while maintaining individual freedom under the rule of law. The Lockean concept of the social contract was invoked in the United States Declaration of Independence.
They say that to do injustice is, by nature, good; to suffer injustice, evil; but that the evil is greater than the good. And so when men have both done and suffered injustice and have had experience of both, not being able to avoid the one and obtain the other, they think that they had better agree among themselves to have neither; hence there arise laws and mutual covenants; and that which is ordained by law is termed by them lawful and just. This they affirm to be the origin and nature of justice;—it is a mean or compromise, between the best of all, which is to do injustice and not be punished, and the worst of all, which is to suffer injustice without the power of retaliation; and justice, being at a middle point between the two, is tolerated not as a good, but as the lesser evil, and honoured by reason of the inability of men to do injustice.
For no man who is worthy to be called a man would ever submit to such an agreement if he were able to resist; he would be mad if he did. Such is the received account, Socrates, of the nature and origin of justice.
The social contract theory also appears in Crito , another dialogue from Plato. Over time, the social contract theory became more widespread after Epicurus BC , the first philosopher who saw justice as a social contract, and not as existing in Nature due to divine intervention see below and also Epicurean ethics , decided to bring the theory to the forefront of his society.
As time went on, philosophers of traditional political and social thought, such as Locke, Hobbes, and Rousseau put forward their opinions on social contract, which then caused the topic to become much more mainstream. Social contract formulations are preserved in many of the world's oldest records. The story goes as follows:. In the early days of the cosmic cycle mankind lived on an immaterial plane, dancing on air in a sort of fairyland, where there was no need of food or clothing, and no private property, family, government or laws.
Then gradually the process of cosmic decay began its work, and mankind became earthbound, and felt the need of food and shelter. As men lost their primeval glory, distinctions of class arose, and they entered into agreements with one another, accepting the institution of private property and the family. With this theft, murder, adultery, and other crime began, and so the people met together and decided to appoint one man from among them to maintain order in return for a share of the produce of their fields and herds.
He was called "the Great Chosen One" Mahasammata , and he received the title of raja because he pleased the people. In his rock edicts, the Buddhist king Asoka was said to have argued for a broad and far-reaching social contract. The Buddhist vinaya also reflects social contracts expected of the monks; one such instance is when the people of a certain town complained about monks felling saka trees, the Buddha tells his monks that they must stop and give way to social norms.
Epicurus in the fourth century BCE seemed to have had a strong sense of social contract, with justice and law being rooted in mutual agreement and advantage, as evidenced by these lines, among others, from his Principal Doctrines see also Epicurean ethics :.
Natural justice is a pledge of reciprocal benefit, to prevent one man from harming or being harmed by another. Those animals which are incapable of making binding agreements with one another not to inflict nor suffer harm are without either justice or injustice; and likewise for those peoples who either could not or would not form binding agreements not to inflict nor suffer harm. There never was such a thing as absolute justice, but only agreements made in mutual dealings among men in whatever places at various times providing against the infliction or suffering of harm.
Quentin Skinner has argued that several critical modern innovations in contract theory are found in the writings from French Calvinists and Huguenots, whose work in turn was invoked by writers in the Low Countries who objected to their subjection to Spain and, later still, by Catholics in England.
All of these groups were led to articulate notions of popular sovereignty by means of a social covenant or contract, and all of these arguments began with proto-"state of nature" arguments, to the effect that the basis of politics is that everyone is by nature free of subjection to any government. These arguments, however, relied on a corporatist theory found in Roman law, according to which "a populus" can exist as a distinct legal entity.
Thus, these arguments held that a group of people can join a government because it has the capacity to exercise a single will and make decisions with a single voice in the absence of sovereign authority—a notion rejected by Hobbes and later contract theorists. The first modern philosopher to articulate a detailed contract theory was Thomas Hobbes — According to Hobbes, the lives of individuals in the state of nature were "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short", a state in which self-interest and the absence of rights and contracts prevented the "social", or society.
Life was "anarchic" without leadership or the concept of sovereignty. Individuals in the state of nature were apolitical and asocial. This state of nature is followed by the social contract. The social contract was seen as an "occurrence" during which individuals came together and ceded some of their individual rights so that others would cede theirs. Human life was thus no longer "a war of all against all". The state system, which grew out of the social contract, was, however, also anarchic without leadership.
Just as the individuals in the state of nature had been sovereigns and thus guided by self-interest and the absence of rights, so states now acted in their self-interest in competition with each other. Just like the state of nature, states were thus bound to be in conflict because there was no sovereign over and above the state more powerful capable of imposing some system such as social-contract laws on everyone by force.
Indeed, Hobbes' work helped to serve as a basis for the realism theories of international relations, advanced by E. Carr and Hans Morgenthau. Hobbes wrote in Leviathan that humans "we" need the "terrour of some Power" otherwise humans will not heed the law of reciprocity , " in summe doing to others, as wee would be done to". John Locke 's conception of the social contract differed from Hobbes' in several fundamental ways, retaining only the central notion that persons in a state of nature would willingly come together to form a state.
Locke believed that individuals in a state of nature would be bound morally, by the Law of Nature, not to harm each other in their lives or possessions. Without government to defend them against those seeking to injure or enslave them, Locke further believed people would have no security in their rights and would live in fear. Individuals, to Locke, would only agree to form a state that would provide, in part, a "neutral judge", acting to protect the lives, liberty, and property of those who lived within it.
While Hobbes argued for near-absolute authority, Locke argued for inviolate freedom under law in his Second Treatise of Government. Locke argued that a government's legitimacy comes from the citizens' delegation to the government of their absolute right of violence reserving the inalienable right of self-defense or "self-preservation" , along with elements of other rights e.
Rousseau's political theory differs in important ways from that of Locke and Hobbes. Although Rousseau wrote that the British were perhaps at the time the freest people on earth, he did not approve of their representative government, nor any form of representative government.
Rousseau believed that society was only legitimate when the sovereign i. Rousseau's striking phrase that man must "be forced to be free"  should be understood [ according to whom? Thus the law, inasmuch as it is created by the people acting as a body, is not a limitation of individual freedom, but rather its expression. The individual, as a citizen, explicitly agreed to be constrained if; as a private individual, he did not respect his own will as formulated in the general will.
Because laws represent the restraint of "natural liberty",  they represent the leap made from humans in the state of nature into civil society. In this sense, the law is a civilizing force. Therefore Rousseau believed that the laws that govern a people help to mould their character. Rousseau also analyses the social contract in terms of risk management,  thus suggesting the origins of the state as a form of mutual insurance.
While Rousseau's social contract is based on popular sovereignty and not on individual sovereignty, there are other theories espoused by individualists , libertarians , and anarchists that do not involve agreeing to anything more than negative rights and creates only a limited state, if any.
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon — advocated a conception of social contract that did not involve an individual surrendering sovereignty to others. According to him, the social contract was not between individuals and the state, but rather among individuals who refrain from coercing or governing each other, each one maintaining complete sovereignty upon him- or herself:. What really is the Social Contract? An agreement of the citizen with the government?
No, that would mean but the continuation of [Rousseau's] idea. The social contract is an agreement of man with man; an agreement from which must result what we call society. In this, the notion of commutative justice, first brought forward by the primitive fact of exchange, Translating these words, contract, commutative justice, which are the language of the law, into the language of business, and you have commerce, that is to say, in its highest significance, the act by which man and man declare themselves essentially producers, and abdicate all pretension to govern each other.
Building on the work of Immanuel Kant with its presumption of limits on the state,  John Rawls — , in A Theory of Justice , proposed a contractarian approach whereby rational people in a hypothetical " original position " would set aside their individual preferences and capacities under a " veil of ignorance " and agree to certain general principles of justice and legal organization. This idea is also used as a game-theoretical formalization of the notion of fairness.
David Gauthier "neo-Hobbesian" theory argues that cooperation between two independent and self-interested parties is indeed possible, especially when it comes to understanding morality and politics. He proposes that, if two parties were to stick to the original agreed-upon arrangement and morals outlined by the contract, they would both experience an optimal result.
Philip Pettit b. Instead of arguing for explicit consent, which can always be manufactured , Pettit argues that the absence of an effective rebellion against it is a contract's only legitimacy. An early critic of social contract theory was Rousseau 's friend, the philosopher David Hume , who in published an essay "Of Civil Liberty". The second part of this essay, entitled "Of the Original Contract",  stresses that the concept of a "social contract" is a convenient fiction:.
As no party, in the present age can well support itself without a philosophical or speculative system of principles annexed to its political or practical one; we accordingly find that each of the factions into which this nation is divided has reared up a fabric of the former kind, in order to protect and cover that scheme of actions which it pursues. The one party [defenders of the absolute and divine right of kings, or Tories], by tracing up government to the DEITY, endeavor to render it so sacred and inviolate that it must be little less than sacrilege, however tyrannical it may become, to touch or invade it in the smallest article.
The other party [the Whigs, or believers in constitutional monarchy], by founding government altogether on the consent of the PEOPLE suppose that there is a kind of original contract by which the subjects have tacitly reserved the power of resisting their sovereign, whenever they find themselves aggrieved by that authority with which they have for certain purposes voluntarily entrusted him.
Hume argued that consent of the governed was the ideal foundation on which a government should rest, but that it had not actually occurred this way in general. My intention here is not to exclude the consent of the people from being one just foundation of government where it has place. It is surely the best and most sacred of any. I only contend that it has very seldom had place in any degree and never almost in its full extent. And that therefore some other foundation of government must also be admitted.
Legal scholar Randy Barnett has argued  that, while presence in the territory of a society may be necessary for consent, this does not constitute consent to all rules the society might make regardless of their content.
Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract
Socratesuses something quite like a Social Contract argument to explain to Critowhy he must remain in prison and accept the death penalty. However, Social Contract Theory is rightly associated with modern moral and political theory and is given its first full exposition and defense by Thomas Hobbes. After Hobbes, John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau are the best known proponents of this enormously influential theory, which has been one of the most dominant theories within moral and political theory throughout the history of the modern West. According to this theory, the origin of the state is due to general agreement freely entered into by equal and independent individuals living in a state of nature to form themselves in to a community and obey a government established by them for the protection of their natural rights. According to this theory, the state is a result of an agreement between the people to unite together at the first instance, and then an agreement between the people and the ruler by which the authority and power was given to the ruler. The theory seeks to explain the formation of societies and governments.
Locke developed his theory of social contract from the notion of state of nature. John Locke theory of Social Contract is different from that of Hobbes. According to benbakerbooks.org
State of nature
The idea of the social contract goes back at least to Epicurus Thrasher In its recognizably modern form, however, the idea is revived by Thomas Hobbes; it was developed in different ways by John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Immanuel Kant. After Kant, the idea largely fell into disrepute until it was resurrected by John Rawls. It is now at the heart of the work of a number of moral and political philosophers.
Rousseau's "social contract": contracting ahead of its time? World Health Organization, Geneva 27, Switzerland email: carring who. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, born in Geneva in , had an important influence on political philosophy in the 18th century and since, in particular through his book The social contract , published in The relationships between individuals, the state and government form the key components of Rousseau's "social contract".
John Locke’s Social Contract Theory
State of nature , in political theory, the real or hypothetical condition of human beings before or without political association. Many social-contract theorists, such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke , relied on this notion to examine the limits and justification of political authority or even, as in the case of Jean-Jacques Rousseau , the legitimacy of human society itself. Visions of the state of nature differ sharply between theorists, although most associate it with the absence of state sovereignty. What Hobbes calls the first law of nature , for instance, is. In the absence of a higher authority to adjudicate disputes, everyone fears and mistrusts everyone else, and there can be no justice , commerce, or culture. That unsustainable condition comes to an end when individuals agree to relinquish their natural rights to everything and to transfer their self-sovereignty to a higher civil authority, or Leviathan.
His work greatly affected the development of epistemology and political philosophy. His contributions to classical republicanism and liberal theory are reflected in the United States Declaration of Independence. Locke's theory of mind is often cited as the origin of modern conceptions of identity and the self , figuring prominently in the work of later philosophers such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau , David Hume , and Immanuel Kant. Locke was the first to define the self through a continuity of consciousness. He postulated that, at birth, the mind was a blank slate, or tabula rasa.
Даже не взглянув на верхушку башни, Халохот бросился к лестнице.
- Идея неплохая, но на каждое послание Танкадо, увы, поступает ответ. Танкадо пишет, его партнер отвечает. - Убедительно.
Да нет же, черт возьми. И кто только распустил этот слух. Тело Колумба покоится здесь, в Испании.
Надежды на романтический вечер рушились по непонятной причине.
Беккер заморгал от неожиданности. Дело принимало дурной оборот. - Ты, часом, не шутишь? - Он был едва ли не на полметра выше этого панка и тяжелее килограммов на двадцать.
АНБ. - Никогда о таком не слышал. Беккер заглянул в справочник Управления общей бухгалтерской отчетности США, но не нашел в нем ничего похожего.
Горячий пар пробивался через люк подобно вулканическим газам, предшествующим извержению. Проклиная себя за то, что не забрала у Стратмора беретту, она пыталась вспомнить, где осталось оружие - у него или же в Третьем узле. Когда глаза Сьюзан немного привыкли к темноте, она посмотрела на дыру, зияющую в стеклянной стене. Свечение мониторов было очень слабым, но она все же разглядела вдали Хейла, лежащего без движения там, где она его оставила. Стратмора видно не .
Теперь его лицо занимало экран целиком. - Шестьдесят четыре знака… Сьюзан кивнула: - Да, но они… - Она вдруг замерла. - Шестьдесят четыре буквы, - повторил Дэвид.
Сегодня это случилось впервые. ИСТЕКШЕЕ ВРЕМЯ: 15:17:21 - Пятнадцать часов семнадцать минут? - Он не верил своим глазам. - Это невозможно.
Через пять секунд она станет двусторонней. - Кто это такие? - переминаясь с ноги на ногу, спросил Бринкерхофф. - Всевидящее око, - сказал Фонтейн, вглядываясь в лица людей, которых он отправил в Испанию.
Его мощь основывалась не только на умопомрачительном количестве процессоров, но также и на достижениях квантового исчисления - зарождающейся технологии, позволяющей складировать информацию в квантово-механической форме, а не только в виде двоичных данных. Момент истины настал в одно ненастное октябрьское утро. Провели первый реальный тест. Несмотря на сомнения относительно быстродействия машины, в одном инженеры проявили единодушие: если все процессоры станут действовать параллельно, ТРАНСТЕКСТ будет очень мощным.